We have no right to settle in a land that has been stolen from others while the owners of it are homeless and miserable…
While private ownership of land is common (mainly in urban areas), most of the land in Israel (over 90% of the land area) is in the ownership of either the State of Israel, the Development Authority (Rashut Hapituakh, רשות הפיתוח) or the Jewish National Fund…
Israel established a democracy that respects the civil rights of its entire population.
Israeli leaders established a racist nation set up exclusively for Jews. A Palestinian who was born within the boundaries of what is now Israel cannot return to his homeland and become a citizen of Israel. By contrast, a Jew born outside of Israel can immigrate to Israel and be granted instant citizenship with numerous benefits. Israel has segregated housing areas, schools and recreational facilities where Palestinians are not allowed. The legality of marriage between Jews and Palestinians is also not recognized by Israeli law.
Dr. Israel Shahak, a survivor of the Bergen-Belsen concentration camp, chaired the Israel League for Human and Civil Rights. Citing laws and regulations that have been rigorously enforced in Israel, Shahak contended that
“the State of Israel is a racist state in the full meaning of this term because people are discriminated against, in the most permanent and legal way and in the most important areas of life, only because of their origin…one who is not a Jew is discriminated against, only because he is not a Jew.” Shahak denounced the “grave social discrimination visited upon any Israeli citizen every day of his life if his mother is not a Jewess.”
How Racial & Social Discrimination Is Selectively Enforced In Other Nations:
The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestinians:
The ethnic cleansing of Palestinians began in 1948 and continued in June 1967 after the Six-Day War. Israel conquered and occupied the West Bank from Jordan, the Gaza Strip from Egypt, and the Golan Heights from Syria. These territories are still occupied by Israel today. As an ethnocentric state, Israel denies voting rights and other political and civil liberties to the more than 4 million Palestinians in the occupied territories because of their non-Jewish ethnicity.
Approximately 300,000 Palestinians fled or were driven into exile as Israel conquered the West Bank and Gaza. Hundreds of villages were systematically razed, and over 2,000 Palestinian homes were demolished or sealed without charges or trial. The Israeli government confiscated fully 50% of the land and 80% of the water reserves in these territories. Approximately 100,000 Jews settled in the West Bank and Gaza to replace the exiled Palestinians. These actions were in violation of U.N. Security Resolution 242, which demanded that Israel withdraw from all of the occupied territories in 1967.
Palestinian Gaza has been turned into a massive prison ghetto. Surrounded by electronic fences and military posts, tightly sealed from the outside world, Palestinians in Gaza are forced to live in extreme poverty. Israeli linguistics professor Tanya Reinhart wrote in 2002:
“What we are witnessing in the occupied territories—Israel’s penal colonies—is the invisible and daily killing of the sick and wounded who are deprived of medical care, of the weak who cannot survive in the new poverty conditions, and of those who are approaching starvation.”
Israeli leaders proceeded to implement throughout the West Bank their model of control perfected in Gaza. Since May 2002, Israel has been constructing a wall in the West Bank which will make this system of control a reality when completed. Along the route under construction, Israel is dispossessing Palestinian farmers of their land and pushing them into small enclaves between fences and walls. Eventually Palestinians in the West Bank will be surrounded on all sides as Palestinians currently are in Gaza.
Ilan Pappé writes,
“On the ground, the occupied territories have become a mega-prison under strict military rule—which in many ways continues to this day.”
Steve Quester, a member of Jews Against the Occupation, states that
“…all of the West Bank is a jail…”
The Israeli Knesset has enacted numerous laws in recent years that discriminate against Palestinians. The Nakba Law of 2009, for example, stipulated that whoever would commemorate Israel’s day of independence as a day of mourning would be arrested. This law was slightly revised under international pressure: arrest was replaced by the denial of public funding to any entity that commemorates the Nakba. Since virtually all Palestinian institutions and homes remember and commemorate the Nakba, this law is highly discriminatory against Palestinians.
The historical record indicates that Israel was formed through the ethnic cleansing of the indigenous Arab Palestinian population. Israel has a horrific human rights record, has violated more U.N. resolutions than any other country in the U.N., and has mass murdered and tortured Palestinian civilians with impunity.
A grave injustice has been done to the Palestinian people. Alfred Lilienthal quoted Israeli humanist Rabbi Benjamin:
In the end, we must come out publicly with the truth: that we have no moral right whatever to oppose the return of the Arabs to their land…Until we have begun to redeem our sin against the Arab refugees, we have no right to continue the in-gathering of the exiles. We have no right to settle in a land that has been stolen from others while the owners of it are homeless and miserable.
We had no right to occupy the house of an Arab if we had not paid for it at its value. The same goes for fields, gardens, stores, workshops. We had no right to build a settlement and to realize the kind of Zionism with other people’s property. To do this is robbery. Political conquest cannot abolish private property.
Editor’s Comment: Unfortunately, Rabbi Benjamin is wrong. A mere tweak of legislation here-and-there, is sufficient to justify removing not only human rights but also private property rights for people who hold legal title deeds. Consider South Africa today, even black farmers are fighting for their private property rights.
It is a misnomer that Israel grants approved Jews full private property rights. Look very closely at their carefully worded Wikipedia speel. Readers experienced with Communist regimes
controlling removing private property rights will see through the carefully crafted wording:
“While private ownership of land is common (mainly in urban areas), most of the land in Israel (over 90% of the land area) is in the ownership of either the State of Israel, the Development Authority (Rashut Hapituakh, רשות הפיתוח) or the Jewish National Fund. According to Basic Law: Israel Lands, enacted in 1960, the land owned by these three bodies is administered by the Israel Land Authority (ILA). The land so owned is often leased to private persons, typically in a long-term lease for a period of 99 years. This creates a situation where, on the one hand, the land is privately held for most practical purposes; on the other hand, the ILA still wields a considerable bureaucratic power over citizens, particularly during the transfer of lease from one person to another, or various other procedures related to land use and registration, where the law requires consent or ongoing involvement by the ILA. Beginning in the first decade of the 21st century, the Knesset has enacted laws encouraging [but not enforcing?] the full transfer of ownership, for no additional payment, from the ILA-represented bodies to the lessees, who thereby become owners.
The most common type of housing in Israel is condominiums. The Land Law, 1969 details the legal structure of this type of property, including the rights [aka limitations] of tenants among themselves (mainly in regard to common areas) and towards third parties. A contractual document, the bylaws (takanon, תקנון), is required to exist for every condominium; often, the common bylaws, provided as an appendix to the Land Law, 1969, are used, but many condominiums do have more detailed bylaws, agreed between apartment owners [a sign it or lose it agreement?].
The Land Law, 1969 enacts a “closed list” [aka racially profiled] approach, listing five types of proprietary claims that may exist towards land: ownership, rental (including lease), mortgage, beneficial use and right of first refusal. However, in practice, other types of claims exist and are treated as equitable. In addition, a warning note or caveat (he’arat azhara, הערת אזהרה) is regularly placed in the Land Registry after a transaction is agreed upon and before its registration is completed. In many cases, due to various impediments to completing the registration, the warning note remains on the Land Registry for decades, commonly perceived as providing a sufficient protection to the acquirer’s interests.
Since 1949 American taxpayers have provided Israel with more than $121 Billion dollars. Why? ‘Democratic’ Israel cannot even enshrine private property rights for Jews who are advantaged under their own preferential racial discrimination laws.
Features: Rep. Cynthia McKinney, Rep. Earl Hilliard, Sen. Chuck Hagel, Senate Candidate Lee Whitnum, Rep. Ron Paul, Councilman Charles Barron, Assistant Secretary of Treasury Paul Craig Roberts, Ambassador Charles Freeman, Rep. James Trafficant, Mike Harris (Veteran’s Today), CIA Michael Scheuer, Rep. David Duke, James Morris (America-Hijacked), USS Liberty Survivor Bryce Lockwood, Physician Dahlia Wasfi, President Richard Nixon, IRMEP Director Grant F Smith, Director of Studies at U.S. Army War College Alan Sabrosky, Historian Mark Weber
 Pappé, Ilan, The Idea of Israel: A History of Power and Knowledge, London: Verso, 2014, pp. 272-273; Abunimah, Ali, The Battle for Justice in Palestine, Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2014, pp. 26-29.
 Lilienthal, Alfred M., The Zionist Connection: What Price Peace?, New York: Dodd, Mead & Company, 1978, pp. 126-127, 743.
 Finkelstein, Norman G., Image and Reality of the Israeli-Palestine Conflict, 2nd edition, New York: Verso, 2003, p. 135.
 Reinhart, Tanya, Israel/Palestine: How to End the War of 1948, New York: Seven Stories Press, 2002, p. 8.
 Abunimah, Ali, The Battle for Justice in Palestine, Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2014, p. 195.
 Finkelstein, Norman G., The Rise and Fall of Palestine: A Personal Account of the Intifada Years, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996, p. 52.
 Pappé, Ilan, Ten Myths About Israel, London: Verso, 2017, p. 77.
 Reinhart, Tanya, Israel/Palestine:How to End the War of 1948, New York: Seven Stories Press, 2002, pp. 18, 175-176.
 Reinhart, Tanya, The Road Map to Nowhere: Israel/Palestine Since 2003, London: Verso, 2006, pp. 157-160.
 Pappé, Ilan, The Idea of Israel: A History of Power and Knowledge, London: Verso, 2014, p. 40.
 Farber, Seth, Radicals, Rabbis and Peacemakers, Monroe, ME; Common Courage Press, 2005, p. 41.
 Pappé, Ilan, The Idea of Israel: A History of Power and Knowledge, London: Verso, 2014, pp. 272-273.
 Lilienthal, Alfred M., The Zionist Connection: What Price Peace?, New York: Dodd, Mead & Company, 1978, p. 748.